Renaissance for the Commonwealth or a post mortem?
By Michael Holman, journalist and Commonwealth-watcher for many years
28 October 2011
The warning could hardly be blunter, the source more reputable, or the cause more laudable. Reform the Commonwealth or face a continuing decline to irrelevance, ten eminent politicians have told Commonwealth leaders who gather in Perth this week (October 28-30) for their biennial summit.
At the core of a radical report, surely as important as any in the history of the association, but in danger of being buried by bureaucrats, is a proposal that could give new hope to an ailing association.
The study, commissioned by the Commonwealth at the last summit in Trinidad and Tobago in 2009, calls for the creation of the office of a Commonwealth commissioner for human rights, who would have the authority to investigate member states “who regularly and persistently breach the principles”.
This is not the only proposal put forward. The document also calls for “bold new initiatives”, including the creation of a Commonwealth youth corps, widening and strengthening the mandate of the Secretary-General, and drawing up a Commonwealth charter.
But the acid test, however, of the association’s commitment to change and acknowledgement of past errors, will be its response to the proposal for a Commissioner whose job will be “to provide well researched and reliable information … on serious or persistent violations of democracy, the rule of law and human rights.”
For too long, argue the group of ten, chaired by former Malaysian Prime Minister Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and including Sir Malcolm Rifkind, former British Foreign Secretary, the Commonwealth has tolerated dictators in its ranks, kept civil wars off its agenda, and ignored abuses of civil rights.
In language that pulls no punches, they warn that the association risks becoming “irrelevant” unless “urgent reforms” are introduced: “Complacency and inertia in vital aspects of the Commonwealth’s values … pose the most serious threats to the continued relevance and vitality of the Commonwealth itself.”
“Unless the Commonwealth reforms its machinery and enforces the values it has espoused,” declares the group, “it will stand condemned as hypocritical or indifferent, willing to proclaim commitment to a broad set of values but unwilling to invoke its own machinery to ensure that those values are maintained.”
Precisely what sanction the proposed Commissioner could bring to bear is not clear; but the prospect of a senior official, empowered publicly to investigate and report on transgressors of democracy, is enough to give hope to supporters of an organisation that seemed to have run out of steam.
But it has also set alarm bells ringing in the ranks of those who have rigged elections, abused their people, or used torture as a routine. Their first reactions do not augur well for the outcome of the Perth summit.
At a recent briefing in London, the audience heard an outline of the contents of the 200- page report, and its 106 recommendations. But no copies were available. Although the authors are unanimous in their desire to circulate their findings, to air issues and encourage debate, certain Commonwealth governments had insisted that it remain confidential until the summit itself approved its release.
“The Commonwealth is in the doldrums,” responded a senior British politician. “That is why the Eminent Persons Group (EPG) was formed at the last summit. If its main recommendations were rejected that would not only make Perth a failure - it would also confirm the growing irrelevance of the Commonwealth”.
It may well be too late to restore credibility to an association that embraces a quarter of the world’s population, all its main faiths, some of the richest and poorest states. Past failures are catching up on a club whose members have flouted its rules and conventions.
But the greatest asset of the association is an intangible one, and may yet come to the rescue in Perth. Every two years its leaders have a unique opportunity to meet colleagues, linked by a common language, a shared history and discuss sensitive issues in informal surroundings.
At its best, this has produced the ‘Commonwealth chemistry’ that contributed to past successes, such as the 1979 conference in Lusaka that helped ended the war in Zimbabwe. The need for this chemistry could hardly be greater, for the danger is that the ‘old’ Commonwealth, led by Australia and Britain, will be seen as lining up against the ‘new’, with some countries already being recognised as the first candidates for investigation by the proposed new Commissioner.
If not, Perth will be remembered not as the occasion of a Commonwealth renaissance but as the start of an acrimonious post mortem into the failure of a once-valued organisation.